北朝鮮核開発問題

核武装の是非についての議論が盛り上がっていますが、その前に日本のやるべき事があるのではないかと思います。
●それは、「憲法改正」です。
この議論を抜きにして、核武装を云々しても空回りするだけです。貼付の「日本の静かな革命」を読んで、日本が”normal power”となる為の条件は何なのかを考えて見ましょう。

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Kyuma's statement has been interpreted to mean that the Maritime Self-Defense Forces will create an "operational exception" to the ban on collective self-defense. The consequences of this shift are tremendous -- the prohibition on collective self-defense is one of the final barriers that have prevented Tokyo from taking its rightful place as a "normal country" that carries a full share of responsibility for security in Asia and the world. As Tokyo goes forward with this efforts, there are two steps that Washington can still expect Japan to take.

First, Tokyo needs to expand upon this operational exception to the ban on collective self-defense to clarify that as its ballistic missile defense capabilities come online, Japan will use them to target any hostile missile departing North Korea -- be it bound for Japanese territory, beyond Japan to U.S. possessions in the Pacific, or to the American mainland. The operational requirements of ballistic missile defense require that the shooters know they have clear rules of engagement to destroy targets without having to debate constitutional rulings.

If Washington wants to help Tokyo reach this logical outcome, it can use current talks on expediting delivery of an upgrading ABM system for Japan's Aegis destroyers to include a clarification on how the weapons system will be used. The delivery of additional ABM capabilities to East Asia is crucial, but it is unacceptable that those capabilities could be turned off when they are most needed.

Second, while it is convenient that the Japanese government can devise an artful circumvention of constitutional restraints, this is not a permanent solution for Japan's security needs. Prime Minister Abe has declared that constitutional reform will be a major goal, and his early efforts to improve regional ties and exert Tokyo's leadership in response to the North Korean nuclear crisis will bolster his attempt to do so.

While constitutional reform promises to be controversial, the United States can help lay the groundwork for regional acceptance of Tokyo's efforts. Washington should not only welcome an updated constitution as a means to formalize Japan's more proactive posture, but also defend the reform effort to Beijing and Seoul as a step for guaranteeing that Japan's future security policies reflect a meaningful constitutional text, rather than an essentially hollow document that is interpreted and reinterpreted to meet the exigency of the day.

Japan's quiet security revolution is a remarkable achievement for both the Abe government and the U.S.-Japanese alliance. Now it is up to Washington and Tokyo to see that this breakthrough is used as the basis for further efforts to contain North Korea's proliferation and missile development activities,as well as the basis for Japan's continued emergence as a normal power.
Christopher Griffin is a research associate at AEI.
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