イスラエル／パレスチナ和平

http://domino.un.org/UNISPAL.NSF/ed773cbec245eb6d85256b82005b029b/760e8336f592b63f85256b9f006c0f9c!OpenDoc ument


Today the Commissioner General of UNRWA Peter Hansen and my Special Coordinator Terje Roed-Larsen visited the Jenin refugee camp. I have received initial reports from them and am deeply disturbed at what they have said. They have described the situation there as horrific. They witnessed people digging out corpses from the rubble with bare hands. Meanwhile no major emergency rescue operation has been allowed to begin. The destruction is massive and the impact on the civilian population is devastating.

Many questions have been raised about what occurred in the Jenin camp and more will be raised. For the moment, I am calling on the Government of Israel urgently to lift the curfew imposed on the camp and to comply fully with its obligations under international humanitarian law to provide full and unimpeded access to humanitarian agencies. I will continue to monitor the situation closely and will keep the Council apprised.
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However, I believe that unless the international community assumes a direct and effective role on the ground, this progress is unlikely to continue.be sustained. On the contrary, my fear is that the dynamics of the situation are such that we may well see the resumption of the cycle of attacks and reprisals between Israelis and Palestinians, with an intensification of violence, and a continuing disregard for international law, including Security Council resolutions and accepted norms of human rights and international humanitarian law.
Tragically, the logic of war, to which I referred when we last met, has taken hold. Previously understood "red lines" have been crossed. Today, there are, effectively,it appears that there are no red lines left in this conflict. The demands of the Council in resolutions 1402 and 1403 have largely gone unheeded.
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It has been increasingly recognized for some time that, left alone, the parties will not be able to extricate themselves from the current impasse. Moreover, the events of the past weeks have led to a complete breakdown in mutual trust. Both parties will need help to restore their security. It is this analysis that leads me to the conclusion that we need to consider possible courses of action that are bolder than have hitherto been considered practicable.
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Last Friday, Kieran Prendergast, at my instruction, briefed you on the key considerations for the deployment of a multi-national force. Let me emphasize that my thinking regarding such a force is still at an early stage. Today, I can offer only my initial views. Today, I offer my views directly on the nature and functions of such a force. I do not pretend to have all the answers, some of which must be provided by those Member States who would participate in it.

Before proceeding, I must stress that I do not contemplate a United Nations force, but rather a multi-national force formed by a coalition of the willing. The Security Council could, however,should, I believe, authorize such a force under Chapter VII of the Charter. The force must be impartial and capable of taking decisive action. It must have a robust mandate, credible strength and be large enough to carry it out.
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The objectives of a multi-national force in the area would be four-fold.

イスラエルは、外相レベルの国際平和会議への出席しか認めていない。
Previously understood "red lines" have been crossed.
. Moreover, the events of the past weeks have led to a complete breakdown in mutual trust. Both parties will need help to restore their security.
‘Both’ イスラエルは、この警告を受け流すのか。レバノン国境に言及もしている。